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Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel The following two items appeared on separate pages in the Around Naples Encyclopedia on the dates indicated. They have been consolidated here onto a single page. The first item is very short; the second one is quite long and was the main entry on "Eleonora." The second item is also indexed under—and linked from references to—the Pathenopean Republic. 1. entry Dec. 2002
They are making a film about Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel,
the tragic heroine of the short-lived Neapolitan
Republic, which overthrew the Bourbon monarchy in 1799.
The life of Eleonora has always attracted scholarly
attention, including that of Benedetto Croce, who wrote
a monograph about her in 1887. More recently, in 1999,
as part of general 200th-anniversary observance of the
failed Republic, Neapolitan composer and musicologist,
Roberto de Simone, composed an oratorio, "Eleonora, "
for the San Carlo Theater in Naples. More popular
attention includes at least two novels: Cara
Eleonora [Dear Eleonora], by Maria Antonietta
Mocciocchi and Il resto di niente [The rest of
nothing] by Enzio Striano. The latter is the basis for
the screenplay of the film currently under production in
Naples as well as providing the title for the film,
itself. Il resto di niente is directed by a Neapolitan, Antonietta De Lillo, who bought the rights to the book in 1997, planning the film to coincide with the anniversary of the Republic. Various production difficulties have drawn that out, but the film should be ready for release by the middle of 2003. The cast is mostly Neapolitan and the filming, itself, is done locally, with much effort going into avoiding the visual anachronisms of Naples 2000 versus Naples 1800. Some of the shooting is along the coast at Licola, north of Naples, where "unspoiled" shots of the bay and the island of Ischia in the background are still possible. The scene of the execution of Eleonora, for example—an event that really took place at Piazza Mercato near the Church of the Carmine—is shot on the premises of the largely abandoned Hospice for the Poor, parts of which, today, look as they did in the early 1800s. The role of Eleonora is played by Portuguese actress Maria de Medeiros, perhaps some sort of tribute to the Portuguese descent of Eleonora, herself. 2. entry Oct. 2003
Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel; Pathenopean Republic "Forsan et haec olim meninisse juvabit" (A
relevant item on this
period is Bourbon rule
in Naples)
Eleonora was an unlikely revolutionary. She was born in
Rome in 1751 of Portuguese nobility and would be
hanged in Piazza Mercato in Naples in 1799 in a
grotesque caricature of an execution. Her executioner,
Maria Caroline of Hapsburg, Queen of Naples during the
Neapolitan Revolution was also born in 1751. That was
also the decade of the great Lisbon earthquake, about
which an anonymous poet wrote lines as if describing the
dramatic events that would soon shake Europe the way the
earth had shaken Portugal: "With
her last earthquake this round world shall rise, Certainly, the last days of one of Portugal's daughters, Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel, seem contained in that verse. In 1760, Eleonora's family moved to Naples as a result of political difficulties between the Vatican States (of which Rome was the capital) and its Portuguese citizens, which included the Fonseca Pimentels. As a child in Rome, she had already shown precocious talent, even brilliance. She enjoyed the tutelage of a scholarly uncle and wrote poetry, read Latin and Greek, and was well versed in the monuments of the Eternal City. In Naples, she fit right in. She was young, intelligent, wealthy, and extremely well educated. She was primed to be part of that great movement in human history known as the Enlightenment. Science, progress, and reason were the by-words of the mid-1700s. The words of Rousseau's Social Contract (1762) were taking hold. He wrote that government is justified only if sovereignty stayed with the people and said that "Man is is born free, yet everywhere is in chains." His solution spoke of the "natural rights of man."
The Neapolitan Enlightenment had the likes of Vincenzo Cuoco (1770-1823). He
believed in educating the people towards liberty; he was
to take part in the 1799 revolution and suffer exile. He
would write the first account of the revolution, Saggio
Storico sulla Rivoluzione Napoletana nel 1799.
There was Vincenzo Russo,
somewhat of a Neapolitan Rousseau, born in 1770 and who
wrote in his Pensieri Politici [Political
Thoughts] (1798) of revolution as the “regenerator of
human virtue.” He would be part of the Neapolitan
Republic and one of those executed with Eleonora in
1799. And, then, Gaetano
Filangieri (1752-1788). His 7-volume The
Science of Legislation was widely translated and
was of monumental influence in a Europe on the verge of
change. (Filangieri was so enamored of democracy that,
for a short time, he carried on correspondence with
Benjamin Franklin following the American Revolution
about the possibility of emigrating to America, where
"certain inalienable rights" had just been codified into
the social contract.)
In the 1770s, Eleonora became an important part
of literary circles of the day. She joined
discussions of literature, politics and science. She
wrote poetry and carried on the type of correspondence
so popular among intellectuals of that period, the kind
destined to wind up in some distant future anthologized
as "The Collected Letters of...". These groups,
themselves, were in imitation of the French salon
of the day, as was the participation of women. It was
the beginning of the age of the liberation of women—
education, participation and, eventually, suffrage.
History, in a sense, is made by those who write about it. That is to say, you get widely disparate views on the same person, depending on who is doing the telling. One of the least flattering views of Eleonora is to be found in The Bourbons of Naples (Acton 1957, below—indeed, related to the aforementioned admiral). She was a writer of "Metastasian rhapsodies"; she was "that exalted blue-stocking Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel..." one of those who "longed to deliver [her] country to the French"; one who "declaimed her latest effusion, a 'Hymn to Liberty'..."; "...an earnest idealist with little practical experience of mankind". At one point, in citing Eleonara's declaration that "Democracy and true liberty render people gentle, indulgent, generous and magnanimous," the author simply says that Eleonora looked at the world through "rose-colored spectacles". All in all, it is a picture of a poor little rich girl, flightily enamoured of the ideals of the French Revolution but without the foggiest idea of what really makes the world go round. At the other extreme, a recent book entitled, Cara Eleonora [Dear Eleonora] (Macciocchi 1993), is laudatory but, at the same time, a strange mish-mash of historical fiction and good investigative journalism. The former would include a highly implausible (or, at least highly unknowable) scene of soft-core lesbian pornography between Queen Caroline of Naples and Lady Hamilton. On the other hand, the author was apparently the first, at the late date of the 1990s, to dig up the facts of Eleonora's separation from her husband in 1784, a Neapolitan officer by the name of Pasquale Tria de Solis. She had borne him a child in 1778, who died at the age of 8 months. In the course of the next few years, she was apparently beaten by her husband into the miscarriage of a second child and suffered the indignity of being forced to sleep in the same room and often in the same bed as her husband and his mistress. The royal court was sufficiently outraged to grant a separation. So much for Eleonora having "little practical experience of mankind." The documentation of this sordid episode in her life is still on record. The information either eluded earlier historians or they considered it irrelevant. (Recent women writers on Eleonora [Urgnani 1998] say that men—even great historians such as Croce—typically overlook such episodes in the lives of women. Note, however, that even a woman biographer of Eleonora [Gurgo 1935] also missed—or ignored—this episode.) If there had never been a French revolution and a
subsequent Neapolitan revolution, Eleonora Fonseca
Pimentel would still be remembered as a minor poet in
Italian literature of the 18th century. Her literary
output starts in 1768 with an epithalamium, a nuptial
hymn, on the occasion of the marriage of King Ferdinand
and Queen Maria Carolina, some 600 lines of verse
praising the accomplishments of the conjoined dynasties,
the Bourbons and Hapsburgs. She was 16 when she wrote
it, and it was so impressive that she was promptly
accepted into the Arcadia, the Neapolitan poets' circle
of the day, where she became the new, young voice. She
wrote sonnets and verse in Latin as well as Italian, and
she wrote a number of cantatas and oratorios.
Eleonora even tried her hand at writing original verse in the dialect of Naples, the language of the people [for a separate item on the Neapolitan dialect, click here]. The sonnet has survived and was an expression of Eleonora's approval of the King, in 1777, abolishing the co-called Chinea (from the Italian word for "to bow down"), a holdover feudal ritual where the king presented money to the Pope once a year. It seems trivial today, but at the time, refusing to pay tribute to the Pontif was revolutionary and provoked friction between the Vatican and the Kingdom of Naples and actually endeared King Ferdinand to the social reformers in Naples—at least, for a while. Her last writings, of course, are from 1799, when she wrote most of the material for, and edited, the Monitore Napoletano, the newspaper of the Neapolitan Republic. She had started out as the little Portuguese princess poet, darling of the court, and wound up as the fervent, revolutionary newspaper editor, writing hymns to liberty and calls for social justice. If one has to find a point at which Eleonora's efforts turned away from the lofty classicism of the 18th century literary circle, it would be in 1785. She became legally separated from her husband and returned to her father's house. Her father died in that year, and from then on she concerned herself with Enlightenment issues— economics, law, and advancement of the natural sciences. In the years following the French Revolution, she dedicated herself to translating literature of social reform and even revolution into the Neapolitan dialect so that the people she thought she was helping to transform might better understand the issues. She does truly seem to have been convinced of her lines (cited above) that "Democracy and true liberty render people gentle, indulgent, generous and magnanimous." Eleonora's best remembered sonnet is a touching and short poem to her child, dead at 8 months—"...alone, my only joy is that you reign in heaven... ." The verses that helped to get Eleonora executed were undoubtedly two. One is a "Hymn to Liberty," declaimed at the proclamation of the Neapolitan Republic in 1799. That hymn has not survived. The other was written from the Bourbon prison in Castel Capuano in 1798 where Eleonora had been sent for revolutionary activities, including the possession of censored books in her library. Times had changed since the days when Eleonora praised Queen Caroline and wrote nice little ditties, for example, on the occasion of the birth of the Queen's second child. The poem from prison starts: "Rediviva Poppea, tribade impura, In just the first two lines (of 14) she manages to compare Caroline to Poppea (Nero's wife and a murderess), calls her "impure" and a "lesbian" and says that she is unfaithful to her husband, an "imbecile tyrant." Indeed, times had changed. [A complete treatment of Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel's writings may be found in Urgnani 1998.] A short reminder of what had been going on in France is
in order: In 1788, the Parlement at Paris
presents Louis XVI with a list of grievances. The King
calls the Estates-General to assemble in May of 1789 for
the first time since 1614. In July of that year, the
Bastille is stormed and Louis XVI is overthrown. This is
the beginning of the French Revolution. Nobility begins
to emigrate. The guillotine is invented. Radicals are
called "Jacobins," so-called from their meetings in the
Dominican convent of St. Jacques in Paris. In 1790 the
King, now merely a figurehead, accepts the constitution
drawn up by the revolutionaries. Support for the idea of
even a titular monarchy weakens, however, and Louis
flees to the northeast frontier to gain protection from
troops still loyal to him. He is recognized, captured
and returned to Paris. The Paris Commune takes power
under Danton in that same year, and The French National
Convention abolishes the monarchy. It declares September
22, 1792 the first day of the Year One for the French
Republic. The French National Convention offers
assistance to all nations that want to overthrow their
governments. (Read that sentence again and let what it
really means sink in.)
It had been an exhilarating few years. Neapolitan Jacobins, sympathizers with the ideals of the French revolution now had solid evidence that a revolution could work. There were meetings and discussions and mumblings about the "natural rights of man" and how the monarchy was outmoded and should be done away with. One such sympathizer was Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel, that nice little woman who had written all those nice little poems and who—in the interim—had actually become the Queen's own librarian! The monarchy in Naples started to crack down on such sympathy. Indeed, Queen Caroline kept in her study a painting of the execution of her sister, Marie Antoinette, and wrote on the picture, "I will have my revenge for this!" Just as in the poem— "...When
comets
dire
shall sweep athwart the sky, Stars, indeed, were starting to fly before the tempest.
It is difficult to know what would have happened if
Naples had not acted first. But King Ferdinand, in a
show of bravado, sets off to liberate Rome from the
French in 1798 and is routed. He flees back to Naples,
giving the local street wags the opportunity to mock him
with a paraphrase of Caesar: "Ferdinand—he came, he saw,
he ran."  The King and his army are
pursued back to Naples by the French army. This sets the
stage for the overthrow of the monarchy in Naples. With
the French at the gates, Ferdinand and Caroline
flee to Sicily, accompanied by British ships under the
command of their English ally, Admiral Horatio Nelson
(painting, right). The French wait outside the city
until the revolutionaries take the city after a week of
utter chaos in the city, horrors that include manhunts,
torture, and, apparently, even cannibalism. The rabble lazzaroni,
seeing their king leave, hunt down and torment and
murder as many Jacobins as possible. The Jacobins, in
turn—the middle-class, the teachers, merchants, lawyers,
writers, and rebel officers and troops—take the city
from the last troops loyal to the king.
The last scene is at the Sant'Elmo fortress overlooking the city, where a force led in person by Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel—now poet turned passionaria— obtain the capitulation of the royalist forces. The Republic is proclaimed on January 21, 1799. Liberty, Fraternity and Equality have arrived. The Republic lasted until late August. During that
time, Eleonora dedicated herself to her newspaper, Monitore
Napoletano. The first issue came out with the date
inscribed at the top as "Saturday, the 14th day of Piovoso
in the VII Year of Liberty, Year 1 of the Neapolitan
Republic, one and indivisible, (2 February 1799)." (The
changes in the names of the months—Piovoso means
"Rainy"—and in the calendar system were two of those
French revolutionary items that have not survived—unlike
the metric system!)
She was optimistic to the end and, in her last issue in August, referred readers to the next issue, which of course never came. The French army had pulled back from Naples on its way to more pressing matters elsewhere. The Army of the Holy Faith, the counter-revolutionary force led by Cardinal Ruffo had fought its way up from Sicily and was now at the gates of Naples. There is no consensus as to why the revolution failed.
No, wait. The revolution failed because the people
didn't support it. By "people," we mean the lazzaroni,
the masses, the Neapolitan equivalent of the Parisian
Bastille stormers a decade earlier. The real question
is: Why didn't they support the revolution? I know of no
easy answer. Why did one of the most miserable masses of
population in Europe turn away from—turn ON(!)—a
revolution that had their best interests at heart?
Croce, who has written that the Neapolitan Jacobins
transplanted the new ideas of liberty to Italy, chalks
up the failure of the revolution to the Neapolitans'
"sense of false religiosity," carefully avoiding the
word "religion". Be that as it may, the revolution was
not as passive as Vincenzo Cuoco (1820) claimed; it had
the support of the nascent middle-class. But it didn't
have the support of the people. That much is
incontrovertible. And perhaps, here, Cuoco is not
far off the mark:
Beyond that, perhaps the issue is moot; the fact remains that the masses were on the side of the monarchy.They had not supported an earlier revolution in the 1600s and they didn't support this one. It doesn't take long even in the Naples of today to notice a distrust of change, an attitude that can manifest itself in cynically self-destructive behavior among the people. The surrender of Naples to the returning forces of the King involved a staggering bit of treachery. The royalist forces bargained their way into the city by guaranteeing safe passage to France—the revolutionary motherland—for Republican defenders of the city, meaning, largely, members of the Republican government and prominent revolutionaries, including Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel, herself. The surrender took place, and those who were to leave for France were put on ships in the bay of Naples. At that point, Admiral Horatio Nelson—acting on orders from the Queen relayed to him apparently by his mistress, Lady Hamilton, good friend of the Queen, went out and took the prisoners off the ships. They were to be tried. Queen Caroline had said a few years earlier that she "would like to be Robespierre" (cited in Albanese 1998). At long last, she was going to get her chance. She would have her revenge. It is instructive to read a "Yes, but..." version of
this episode. From Acton (1957):
And Admiral Nelson's
behavior
was reprehensible. He gave his word and then broke it
and participated in the bloodbath. He followed
Caroline's instructions to treat Naples as if it were "a
rebellious city in Ireland." He hanged the Neapolitan
Admiral Caracciolo from the yardarm and then cut the
body loose to fall into the sea. (It was recovered by
fishermen and now lies in the small Church of S. Maria della Catena
in the Santa Lucia section of Naples.) [Southey's Life of Nelson has a
passage about the execution of Admiral Caracciolo
that you may read by clicking
here.] The British admiralty was
shocked by Nelson's behavior (Mr Fox, in the House of
Commons, referred to the "horrors" that had taken place
in Naples); if one needs to look for a reason why
Britain's greatest naval hero is not buried in
Westminster Abbey, perhaps one need look no further than
his behavior in Naples.
Also, the fact that the Bourbon reign of terror pales beside "recent pogroms" (Acton, writing in the 1950s, is presumably referring to Stalinist Russia or Nazi Germany) is irrelevant. To say that the Neapolitan Republic, had it survived, "would have resulted in a police state far more inhuman than that of the Bourbons" is self-serving speculation. The Republic lasted for five months, and the upper- and middle-class leaders of that Republic had every opportunity to repeat the savagery of the French Reign of Terror of 1793. The fact is that they didn't. Republican "terror" in Naples consisted of the execution, by firing squad, of a father and son team found guilty of conspiring to overthrow the Republic. Two executions in five months. The outcome of the trials—including the trial of
Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel—was a foregone conclusion. No
one who has ever written about the affair doubts that
the trials were instigated at the will of Queen
Caroline. She sent a message to the trial commission
from her residence in Sicily saying that she wanted a
"purge." Her husband, King Ferdinand, was merely
echoing her sentiments when he said that the commission
should turn the revolutionaries into cacicavalli,
referring to the cheeses that are hung up for display.
And that is what happened. Piazza Mercato
In Piazza Mercato, the fortunate among those sentenced to death were beheaded swiftly. The less fortunate, among whom was Eleonora, were hanged. In her case, as Acton's passage (above) indicates, it was a ghoulish affair. Her body was left dangling from the gallows for a day, exposed to further jibes and humiliation, such as the popular verse making the rounds at the execution (cited in Albanese 1998): A
signora donna Lionora, Roughly: To lady
Eleonora (The last reference is interesting. The returning
royalists felt betrayed by the traditional Neapolitan
patron saint, San Gennaro. From the article in this
encyclopedia, on San Gennaro):
Thus, Cardinal Ruffo's royalist troops got themselves a new saint! (A number of depictions of the retaking of the kingdom show St. Anthony leading the Army of the Holy Faith as they advance on the city of Naples.) Eleonora was calm at the gallows. She asked for some coffee, and—true to her intellect to the last—her last words were in Latin: "Forsan et haec olim meninisse juvabit," a citation from Virgil—"Perhaps one day this will be worth remembering." Is it remembered? In one sense, of course it is. The French Enlightenment values of representative government and parliamentary democracy are historically remembered; they have been vindicated throughout Europe. There are no more absolute monarchies. Democracy and republicanism are facts of life. But that is not what the question really means. Are the events of 1799, themselves—culminating in the ghastly execution of Eleonora on August 20 of that year—remembered? If so, how?
One of the most interesting memories of the Revolution is the Palazzo Serra di Cassano, on via Monte di Dio. It was the home of Giovanni Serra, Duke of Cassano, one of Eleonora's closest friends. Looking down at the crowd as he was about to die, he said, "I have always wanted good for them and now they cheer at my death" [cited in Albanese 1998]. The next day, his father closed the portal of the building that opens onto the Royal Palace and said it would remain closed until the ideals his son had died for were realized. The door is still closed. The greatest memorial in recent memory, however, was when Vanessa Redgrave, the English actress, stepped out on the stage of the San Carlo Theater on Friday, January 8, 1999, and recited, in magnificent Italian, the title role in Eleonora, a 3-hour oratorio, an absolute hymn of praise to Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel. It was composed by Roberto de Simone, prominent Neapolitan composer and musicologist. The production had had a two-week run-up in the Neapolitan daily, il Mattino, replete with histories of the Neapolitan revolution, fragments of Eleonora's poetry, long citations from historical heavyweights such as Benedetto Croce, and even the news that a descendant of Eleonora's (through her brother's line), another Fonseca Pimentel, would be at the premiere. The production, itself, was generally well received. The next day, the critic from il Mattino called it "an allegory of all the martyrs in history" (Gargano 1999). "Art is liberty," he wrote, "and must free itself from the bonds of time like an ever-evolving presepio," thus comparing the production to the traditional Neapolitan manger scene that celebrates the birth of the Savior. Heady praise, indeed. Yet the reporter, at some length, quotes criticism, as well. One critic refers to Eleonora as a "piece of 18th-century theater"; another says that the Revolution of 1799 was a "deplorable piece of Neapolitan history...a disgraceful bit of French treachery"; and yet a third said, simply, "The 1799 Revolution? It never happened. Jacobins in power: much ado about nothing." Remarks like those can be interpreted in various ways. One, it is certainly easy to find books in any Neapolitan bookshop that glorify the Bourbons. When they were at their worst (such as in 1799) they were truly awful, but at their best they were a highpoint in the long history of the kingdom of Naples: it was a separate and respected member of the community of nations. So if you read tales about the homegrown lackeys of the French who wanted to give their nation away and about the glorious Bourbon counter-revolution that defeated them, you may be reading what amounts to nostalgia for a better time. (Perhaps this is understandable in a part of Italy that knows it is socially stigmatized within the nation as a whole). Or—and this is a bit trickier—maybe there is some resentment at what appears to be a rewriting of history. If you see enough plaques and listen to enough oratorios you somehow come away thinking that all this is "the people" saying, "Eleonora was one of us and they killed her." That would be false. She wasn't "one of us" (as much as she might have tried to be) and "they" didn't kill her—"we" did. I am reminded of the line that Walt Kelly put in the mouth of his comic strip character, Pogo: "We have met the enemy and he is us!" Maybe the critics are wary of all the support all of a sudden. Maybe they're asking, Where were "the people" when Eleonora needed them? _________________________________________________________________ Both King Ferdinand and Queen
Caroline lived to have their kingdom taken from them
again, this time in 1806, by the French under
Napoleon. The Bonaparte dynasty
in Naples lasted until 1814. Caroline died in
that year. The king, upon his return to the throne,
assumed the title of Ferdinand I, King of the Two
Sicilies (as opposed to Ferdinand IV, King of
Naples, which he had been for most of life). He married again. He
died in 1825. |
Failed revolutionaries
usually wind up as footnotes in history books.
Certainly, the period between 1789 (the beginning of the
French Revolution) and 1805 (the year in which Napoleon
crowned himself emperor) is one of such turmoil in
Europe that it is easy not to see any but those who are
larger than life. Eleonora Fonseca Pimentel is one such
overlooked person. She was a major figure, but on a
small stage, connected with the little known and
failed Neapolitan revolution and subsequent short-lived
Neapolitan republic of 1799. It was a sister of the
French republic and one of many set up in the 1790s in
Europe, all of which—the Neapolitan version
included—have been relegated to the status of
"also-rans" in history.
In the 1770s
and into the '80s Naples was one of the most open
societies in Italy, well exposed to the ideas of
Enlightenment Europe. It had been a free and independent
kingdom since the 1730s and for most of that time had
enjoyed the reign of 
In short, Naples had the
beginnings of an intelligentsia and educated
middle-class. It still had, to be sure, a large
underclass—the lazzaroni (from "Lazarus," the
patron saint of lepers —those whom Victor Hugo called les
miserables in France), those largely unaffected by
the social strivings of the Enlightenment. Unlike their
Parisian counterparts—and this was crucial in the
ultimate failure of the Revolution—they were not the
revolutionaries. When the time came in 1799, there would
be no peasant rabble storming a Neapolitan bastille. The
peasant rabble remained loyal to their king. (The
Neapolitan Bastille, by the way, was the prison in 
On the
political scene back in Naples, Charles III had returned
to Spain in 1759, leaving his kingdom in the hands of
his good-natured, but not very bright son, Ferdinand
(photo), still a minor. Ferdinand ruled through a
regent, Tanucci, until he was old enough to marry, in
1767. He married 
Much of her literary output,
as was customary among lettered people of the day, was
given over to voluminous exchanges of letters with other
literati. Most prominent of these is a long
correspondence in the 1770s with 
In 1793
the king and his wife, Marie Antoinette (sister of Queen
Caroline of Naples) are beheaded. France declares war on
Britain, Holland, and Spain. They, in turn, form an
alliance with Austria against France. The Reign of
Terror in France takes hold and in 3 months, 15,000
people are guillotined. The counter-revolution in Vandea
is put down brutally. Some 500,000 men, women and
children are killed there and 13,000 more are executed.
Napoleon gains notice for the first time as the French
take Toulon from the British. The next year Robespierre
crushes his rivals and has Danton and others executed.
Juries may now convict without hearing evidence or
argument. Opposition to Robespierre mounts. He is
overthrown and executed. The Ring of Terror ends.
Moderates take over and the French set about
revolutionizing Europe.
In quick succession, the French invade
Italy in 1796. Napoleon enters Milano and sets up the
Lombard Republic. He advances, declaring a Cisalpine
Republic in Northern Italy and then takes Rome and sets
up the Roman Republic in 1798. The French alienate the
populace (revolutionaries are not known for their
diplomacy) by arresting the Pope and taking him to
France, where he dies. France and Naples break off
diplomatic relations because Naples, in violation of a
treaty, has supplied British ships in the port of
Naples. The Kingdom of Naples prepares for a French
invasion.
Eleonora's
lead article began, "We are free at last, and the time
has come when we, too, can utter the scared words
"Liberty' and 'Equality." All in all, from
February through August, she wrote and published 35
issues of the Monitore and two extra editions.
She was well aware that the people—the street lazzaroni—had
largely supported the monarchy and now distrusted the
Republic. She was concerned with explaining the
revolution to the people and went so far as to promote a
gazette in Neapolitan dialect where social issues of the
day were discussed in the language of the people. She
even stood up for the people in the pages of her
newspaper when the Republican government confiscated
property of those who had resisted the revolution,
calling the move "unjust' and illusory." 
Sympathetic
Nelson biographers, such as Bradford, simply say that
Nelson was following orders: "It is difficult to see
what else he could have done under the circumstances
...His job as a British admiral was to see the Bourbons
restored—that and nothing else." [Bradford 1977] The
"purge" (to use Queen Caroline's word) was carried out
over the objections even of the leader of the royalist
forces, Cardinal Ruffo (painting, right) who had given
his Christian word guaranteeing safe passage to the
defenders of the city. (The Cardinal was a judge on the
first trial commission; when it became evident that they
were going to be lenient with the revolutionaries, they
were replaced by tougher judges more to Queen Caroline's
liking.)
Stendahl, in Rome,
Florence and Naples (1826) , reports at length a
conversation about the Neapolitan Revolution and its
grisly conclusion with a young man he identifies only as
T***, an eye-witness to the events, themselves. Stendahl
concludes: "I have been careful to suppress, during the
course of this narrative, all the more gruesome details.
Robespierre, whatever his faults, has this at least to
be said in his favor: he did not count a majority of
personal friends among the total number of his victims.
Those whom he sacrificed, he sacrificed to a system,
however ill-founded; not to his petty, personal spite."
Well, if you
stroll around Naples and know where to look, you see an
occasional memorial plaque. There is one such plaque
above the entrance to Eleonora's home at Salita
Sant'Anna di Palazzo 29, put there by the Lions
Club of Naples in May of 1999, reminding us that the
"hangman kept her from returning home." Her final
resting place is likewise marked at the church of the
Carmine in Piazza Mercato, where she was executed.
Also, similar memorials dot buildings here and there
throughout the city, commemorating other victims of the
Bourbon vendetta.