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The First
Neapolitan Republic
For a background, read the entry on Masaniello's Revolt. Got that? Good. Away we go. You will
need a cast of characters (believe me):
With Masaniello out of the way, the
restoration of civil order seemed in the making. That
was deceptive. Concessions wrung out of viceroy d'Arcos
having to do with taxes left deeper social unrest
untouched. Masaniello's revolt had dramatically shown
the existence in Naples of various factions: on one side
were the supporters of the Spanish vice-realm (obviously
the Spanish aristocracy); on the other side not just the
peasant masses—still ostensibly loyal to their Spanish
king—but a growing number of businessmen, merchants and
others in the small Neapolitan middle-class, who were
increasingly anti-Spanish.
On August 21, the revolutionary
forces attacked the Spanish garrison at Santa Lucia and
drove the defenders out. It was more than a symbolic
victory; the loyalist troops had been defending the
Royal Palace and the considerable number of Spanish
civilian nobility in the area—and were beaten by the
rebel force. Also, the rebels now controlled one major
military installation in the city, the massive Carmine
fortress at the south-eastern approach to the city along
the port. A real civil war had broken out. The next day, Spanish ships in Naples
shelled the city, at which point viceroy D'Arcos
managed to get a truce while he worked on placating the
rebels. This involved caving in to new demands on taxes
and granting more local autonomy to the people. It was a
ploy to buy time. At the beginning of October, the real
Spanish fleet showed up, commanded by John of Austria, the
bastard son of King Phillip IV of Spain. They took back
the center of the city near the palace, but the rebels
remained in control of the perimeter, the high ground on
the hills of Posillipo, Vomero and Capodimonte. On October 16, the rebels proclaimed
an "end to loyalty to the Spanish Crown" and appealed
for foreign intervention. That appeal—obviously to the
French—is indeed strange when viewed against the
backdrop of the times. The Thirty Years War was just
grinding to an agonizing end (by the Treaty of
Westphalia, signed in October, 1648). The Thirty Years War remains one of
the grisliest episodes in the history of human conflict;
it was a series of wars, really, that squandered the
resources and progress of an entire generation in Europe
and cost the lives of about one-third the population of
central Europe. From the chaos of religious strife, the
war had "evolved" in its last decade into a war of
attrition between France and the forces of the Holy
Roman Empire, meaning the Hapsburgs of Spain and
Austria. The complexities of the Thirty Years War are
beyond the scope of this entry, but it would be fair to
say that at its conclusion France had emerged as a great
power while the power of Spain had decreased. It does
not follow from that, however, that the French would
feel comfortable enough to move on Naples—or would even
want to, for that matter—or that Spain would not defend
its Neapolitan vicerealm.
The Duke was, from all accounts, a
lackluster dud who enjoyed no prestige at all in the
French court, to which he would presumably have to turn
for help. (He had actually been an enemy of Richelieu
and been sentenced to death at one point.) His
outrageous personal life had given rise to the popular
jibe that he had "left his betrothed in France, his wife
in Flanders, his whore in Rome and would leave his hide
in Naples." He also got no support from the astute
French prime minister, Cardinal
Mazarin, Richelieu's successor. (Mazarin was of
southern Italian origin; his birth name was Giulio
Mazzarino. He was the negotiator who brokered the end of
the Thirty Years War.) Mazarin had no Italian policy to
speak of. He was in favor of a strong France, but not at
the expense of another war with Spain. Thus, if the Duke of Guise was expecting immediate intervention from France in the face of the Spanish fleet moored in the bay and the considerable number of Spanish troops still in charge of the main body of the city, he was in for a disappointment. Indeed, the French court held Guise in such low esteem that when French ships got to Naples in December, the admiral in charge of the fleet was less concerned with engaging the Spanish militarily than in trying to find out who was in charge. The problem: no one. There were now two people trying to run the show: one, the new "doge"; two, Annese, the military commander of the city, who had called for French help in the first place. A third party, the collective nobility still quite loyal to the Spanish crown, sat and bided their time. The Duke of Guise was proving to be singularly arbitrary and ineffective in his dealings with the people, and he totally alienated Annese. By February, there was a strong anti-Guise conspiracy in Naples even among the "pro-French." In the meantime, the Spanish had
replaced viceroy d'Arcos with John, the commander of the
fleet that had just arrived. While political indecision
and infighting went on within the new Royal Republic,
John consolidated his support among the large number of
the nobility still loyal to Spain. He also enlisted
Filomarino as a go-between to Guise. John offered to
repeal the hated taxes and offered a general amnesty.
Then, in mid-February, the rebels attacked Spanish
positions in the city and failed. It was a stalemate. The break came when a new viceroy was appointed: Inigo Velez de Guevara, Count of Ognate, Spain's ambassador to the Holy See. He landed at Gaeta in April with troops and joined those from the fleet of John and came in from the north, meeting little resistance. Guise had managed to alienate what little support he had within the city. The revolution had run out of steam. The re-rulers of Naples, the Spanish—John of Austria and viceroy Ognate—were surprisingly lenient when they were back in charge. They executed Annese (reneging on their promise to spare him if he gave up), but no vindictive bloodbath ensured. The city was tired. |
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